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Malcolm
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WHOSE
CITY? WHOSE CULTURE?
This paper
was delivered as a keynote at the EU Futures programme conference
'Cities & Cultures', Karlskrona, Sweden, 15th November,
2007.
Introduction
The new urban can be an exhilarating place. It can also be frightening.
After the over-stimulation and simultaneity of the modernist
city comes the post-modern position that cities are not only
visual but offer multi-sensory experiences, and possibilities
for inter-cultural and multiple modes of communication. A mix
of languages, costume, music, sub-cultures, and food is found
in any major city today. For the participant this may be a new
kind of symphony. For the more distanced spectator it may be
a cacophony.
For Leonie Sandercock, the post-metropolitan city is a cosmopolitan, mongrel
city that enables two public goods:
'the critical freedom to question in thought,
and challenge in practice, one's inherited cultural ways ' [and]
the recognition of a widely shared aspiration to belong to a
culture and a place, and so to be at home in the world.[i]
In this inter-cultural, critical scene there is no question as to how
much society can absorb from outside. Instead, Sandercock writes,
'an intercultural perspective advocates accepting the reality
and desirability of cultural diversity '' while political life
is accordingly, as 'dialogically and agonistically constituted.'[ii]
This is post-modern yet there is a trace of the idea that the
city makes us free.[iii]
But, the emerging post-metropolitan city has been seen also as hardly
a city at all, more a geographical region containing or failing
to contain diverse and conflicting interests, or a dystopian
war-zone. Edward Soja writes, 'the boundaries of the city are
becoming more porous, confusing our ability to draw neat lines
separating what is inside as opposed to outside the city - between
the natural and the artificial.'[iv] And architect Lebbeus Woods cites Marshall Berman's
account of the cutting of freeways through residential areas
of post-war New York - to say, 'The wrecking machines that levelled
houses and urban blocks were no less destructive to culture
than if they had been the tanks and artillery of an attacking
army.'[v] There is a hint here of boys' war stories, yet in
popular culture the city is a primary site for disaster movies.[vi]
For Zygmunt Bauman, the new urban is produced by globalisation, and characterised
by extremes of wealth and poverty, mobility and restriction,
and trans-national power and local disempowerment.[vii] In the mall of identity formation, life is frenetic:
Given the intrinsic volatility and unfixity
of ' identities, it is the ability to shop around in the supermarket
of identities ' that becomes the royal road to the fulfilment
of identity fantasies. Having that ability, one is free to make
an unmake identities at will. Or so it seems.[viii]
For Bauman the privileging of consumer choice exacerbates the production
of unsatisfied desires in a market-led society in which the
role of regulation in the public interest is out-sourced to
the market: public space is privatised and the robbers are in
charge of public safety. It seems Louis Wirth may have been
accurate in saying, 'To know one another better is often to
hate one another more violently.'[ix]
Sandercock's and Bauman's views are not incompatible - they simply look
from related viewpoints at different occurrences. For Sandercock
the city is cosmopolis. For Bauman it is a mall on the site
of the agora. Both are for social justice but Sandercock
sees this as arising in a contested inter-cultural spaces; Bauman
is more traditional, seeing a need for regulation by the state
and regretting its erosion The dominant image of a city, however,
moulded by global competition for investment, corporate relocation,
immaterial in place of material production in the financial
services, media and tourism sectors, and cultural tourism is
shaped largely by market interests. Inter-cultural life takes
place at street level but in the towers of corporate power,
culture - as art, heritage, or everyday colour - is a resource
for a city's symbolic economy. City marketing promotes a vibrant
cultural life, or a vibrant street and night life, but image
predominates over actuality, the sign floats free from whatever
it no longer signifies. The eruption of styles and cultural
hybridities that occurs at street level is appropriated for
brands, as Sharon Zukin comments:
Styles that develop on the streets are cycled
through mass media ' where, divorced from their social context,
they become images of cool. On urban billboards advertising
designer perfumes or jeans, they are recycled top the streets,
where they become a provocation ' The cacophony of demands for
justice is translated into a coherent demand for jeans.[x]
Even the word revolution, the E reversed to resemble its equivalent in
the Cyrillic alphabet, is the name of a bar selling expensive
vodka cocktails. Ideology becomes another lifestyle choice.
So, there are issues as to whose culture is used in the re-imaging of
whose city, whose history is appropriated and de-contextualised
in a world of signs signifying affluence in the illusory breadth
of consumer choice. This is more than a matter of who is able
or not to make consumer choices, to shop in the mall of identity
formation; it is a question as to what values are represented
in city spaces, what impact the city's representation has on
its everyday life and cultural production, and what relation
pertains between the cultures of everyday lives, the Culture
of the museum and art gallery, and whatever latent desire for
liberation remains. The issues are wide-ranging and run in many
directions. I return to them later, but begin by focusing on
a specific case: the fishmarket in Bergen.
Bergen fish-market
The fishmarket is in the centre of Bergen's waterfront, in sight of the
UNESCO world heritage site of Bryggen, the old wooden town of
merchants houses and workshops. This is a highly local case,
but it raises two issues: first, the relation of programmes
of urban re-presentation to local cultures; second, the impact
of Culture and cultural tourism on the cultures of everyday
lives.
Bergen is an affluent city, unusual when most debate in urbanism concerns
shrinking or de-industrialised cities. But one of Bergen's industries
is cruise and fjord tourism, for which it competes globally;
and another education, for which it helps to be seen as a city
of museums, galleries, theatres and concert halls.[xi]
The new urban is not much evident in Bergen's built environment,
and the fishmarket stands as a residual pre-industrial form
in which buyers meet sellers face to face, and produce brought
directly from ship to shore. It is not the agora
of classical Athens, in which members of the male property-owning
elite are said to have exchanged political opinions while their
servants, presumably, bought the provisions, but interest in
farmers' markets suggests a desire on the part of consumers
for the pre-modern mode of exchange exemplified by the fishmarket.
But the market is no longer a resource only for local consumers,
but also a hub of tourist activity when the fjord cruise-ships
arrive. Siri Myrvoll observes the impact of tourism on the fish
market:
Fresh fish is becoming scarce ' the fishmongers
being busy with the more profitable business of supplying smoked
salmon sandwiches to the Germans or vacuum packed smoked salmon
and tinned caviar to the Japanese. It has reached the point
where fish vendors themselves complain: their regular customers
cannot get up to the counters, they lose interest and do not
return. As a result, selling fish in the fish market after the
summer season ' is an unprofitable business. Bergen may be in
danger of losing the foundations upon which its cultural heritage
was built.[xii]
My own observation during two visits outside the tourist season was that
the fish market operated each morning though with only a few
stalls selling fish and a few others selling tourism goods such
as knitted garments, fur hats and toy reindeer and trolls. There
was smoked salmon on the fish stalls, but mainly a wide range
of freshly landed white fish. I was told that prices were cheaper
at shops in the city.
In the city efforts to increase the numbers and diversity of visitors,
extending the tourist season through the year, the world heritage
site is more important, along with the city's art gallery and
its collection of paintings by Edward Munch, and concert hall
designed on the plan of a piano and named after the national
composer, Edward Grieg. At the same time, Myrvoll's point that
the city might find one of its traditional attractions turned
into a simulacrum for tourists has a certain resonance.
A year after Myrvoll's account was published, Bergen was one of nine E.U.
Capitals of Culture in 2000[xiii]
(despite that Norway is not a member of the EU). The programme
emphasised the generation of new transferable skills in its
cultural sector, with a nominal theme of coasts and waterways.
There were performances of new music by the city's orchestra
working with guest conductors and composers, and new media skills
were seeded in residencies with avant-garde groups. The programme
addressed an imbalance in the city's external perception as
a fjord tourism rather than cultural city. Myrvoll writes, 'Since
the main tourist attraction has always been nature, culture
comes as an added extra.'[xiv] But cultural production and reception
were seen in this case as a means to attract new visitors from
other regions of Norway - its success measured by market research
showing that 40% of Oslo's population now see Bergen as a cultural
city, more than see their own city in this way.[xv]
A doubt still nags me. If Myrvoll was right, and, as John Urry
says, mass travel 'destroys the very places which are being
visited',[xvi] does cultural tourism have the
same effect on the cultures of the places that become weekend-break
destinations?
Cities of Culture and World Cities
At this point I want to widen the focus again, before looking to another
case - Barcelona - often taken as a paradigm of culturally led
regeneration. I want to ask, that is, what are the intentions
behind, for example, the Capitals of Culture project as a particular
type of urban re-invention and re-presentation.
Few Cities or Capitals of Culture are national capitals, and many are
small cities, among them Antwerp (1993), Weimar (1999), Porto
(2001), Bruges (2002), Graz (2003), and Cork (2005). Some are
a nation's second city, others heritage sites, but none world
cities. This is the point: while only a few cities, namely New
York, London and Tokyo, have the extent of financial services
industries to be part of what Saskia Sassen has called the global
city,[xvii] others, lacking
this asset, require alternative means of mapping to assume prominence
in competition for investment, new industrial growth, and tourism.
It is not simply that the cultural sector itself produces wealth
or employment, more its leverage on other sectors via its role
in a symbolic economy.
If the global city is a multi-site entity linked by 24-hour electronic
communications, then Europe has only two of its sites - in London
and Frankfurt. The culture map facilitates a revaluation of
non-global city status, and contributes to a different prominence
in trans-national regions in which cities by-pass the global
city and national identity. In this context, the West-Mediterranean
arc links Valencia, Barcelona, Montpellier, Marseilles and Genoa.
But - as return of the repressed - cultural status reproduces
the hegemonic attributes of world-city status when the symbolic
economy overrides localised cultures to promote a manufactured
image of a city geared to speculative readings of the market.
As Tim Hall remarks, 'Moments of civic transformation tend to
get portrayed in overly simplistic terms as seamless and unproblematic.
The reality is much more messy.'[xviii] Similarly, the literature of
evaluation of culturally led urban redevelopment finds few benefits
at the local level.[xix]
Culture may, then, be a convenient and frequently an interesting way to
promote a city. But the question recurs, whose culture is used
in the construction of whose image of a city, for whom? In retrospect,
a few cases - notably Glasgow as City of Culture in 1990 - are
cited as moments of transition, turning a history of de-industrialization
and decline of confidence into a vibrant new future. Yet if
'The ugly duckling of Europe has turned into a swan', as the
Los Angeles Herald Examiner reported,[xx]
a disaffected local source said in contrast, '1990 was a year
when an intellectually bankrupt and brutally undemocratic administration
projected its mediocre image onto the city and ordered us to
adore it.'[xxi] Perhaps equally to the point is
that Glasgow already had a vibrant scene in experimental theatre
and new art, was already more exciting culturally than its rival
Edinburgh, had a strong sense of community despite the city
authorities' efforts to demolish it along with many of its nineteenth-century
stone tenement buildings, and that around this time those authorities
had begun to see that the peripheralization of the poor to tower
blocks and sink estates had failed and started to invest in
refurbishment. Perhaps some renewal of confidence would have
happened anyway. And perhaps the legacy of the year as a City
of Culture may be more the numerous international chain hotels
and convention facilities now found in its centre, and the gradual
gentrification of some districts, than a city-wide cultural
revitalisation. As with Birmingham, perhaps Glasgow now has
a new central business district in the guise of a cultural city.
Elsewhere, as in Manchester, redundant industrial sites have
been refurbished as urban villages for young professionals,
close to sites of the night-time economy of bars and clubs.
Overall prosperity has increased, but divisions between wealth
and poverty, centre and margin, or style and remnant, remain.
Barcelona
I turn now to Barcelona, 'hailed as the most successful global model for
post-industrial urban regeneration based on its urban design.'[xxii] Barcelona is not
part of the global city, but its authorities see it as the principal
hub of the West Mediterranean arc, and it has a World Trade
Centre designed by I. M. Pei on its renewed waterfront, incorporating
a cruise ship terminal. It has a large critical mass of cultural
tourist sites: the Picasso and Mir— museums, the Catalan Museum,
the Caixa Foundation galleries for contemporary art, a wealth
of art nouveau (modernista)
architecture, plentiful public spaces and public art, plus fashionable
shopping streets, countless bars and cafes (including those
serving the almost mythical draft cava), and a waterfront casino.
Apart from its high incidence of street crime the city makes
an ideal weekend break, business convention or professional
conference destination. It has achieved an economic revival
and has an incipient knowledge economy sector alongside its
cultural economy and role as capital of the state of Catalunya,
regarded as a national state.
But the revitalisation of Barcelona is unique, grounded in a specific
history, rooted in its Catalan culture and language, and impossible
to map onto anywhere else. The national day of mourning is 11th
September, when, in 1714, the city fell to the Bourbons. Dirges
are sung each year at Plaza del Fossar de les Moreres,[xxiii]
a small paved plaza near the church of S. Maria del Mar. Under
Bourbon rule the city was prevented from expanding, declared
a military site so that the space outside its walls could not
be developed. Within its dark, twisting alleys disease spread
easily, as did unrest. An outbreak of cholera in 1855, coinciding
with a major strike, led Idelfons Cerdˆ to draw up a report
on the city's housing conditions. This informed his 1859 plan
for a northern extension (Eixample).[xxiv] Persuading the
Madrid regime to lift the city's designation and allow the demolition
of the walls, Cerdˆ was able to engineer a remarkably humane
city, with 50% of street space set aside for pedestrians, access
to green spaces for people of all classes, street seating and
lighting, and formal regulation of the proportions of a standard
urban block with inner garden courtyard. He proposed a rapid
transit system, mixed-use zoning, and the rational street grid
in which east-west routes are for fast movement while north-south
roads allow for an extension of domestic space into the street,
as do the city's ubiquitous balconies. Cerdˆ wrote that, 'By
distributing with total equity and perfect justice the benefits
of viality [his term for liveability] ' the square grid system
has the inestimable advantage of not creating odious artificial
preferences.'[xxv]
The grid was the built form of an urbanization representing
the liberty of a new commercial class, and, as much as it was
a means to social equity, a means to prevent insurrection by
improving the living standards of the poor.
Today, Eixample
is a fashionable, quiet bourgeois district, with tree-lined
avenues and small pavement cafŽs. But the city's history of
liberal planning regimes resurfaced in the 1980s, when Catalan
culture emerged with the city's economic fortunes after punitive
repression during the fascist period - Barcelona being one of
the last sites of resistance in 1937. Plaza del Fossar is one
of a hundred or so small public spaces created or modified in
preparation for the city's hosting the 1992 Olympic Games -
not confined to the centre but spread throughout the residential
districts as well. In the 1990s, the city pursued a deliberate
policy to encourage cultural tourism, fused this with the creation
of a Catalan cultural infrastructure.[xxvi]
Among new buildings for Catalan culture are a new National Theatre,
Theatre College, and National Auditorium. Information relating
to these venues was in Catalan only, not for nationalist reasons
but because the cultural tourist tends to regard her or himself
as a traveller, seeking out the authentic locality while enjoying
the frisson of rubbing shoulders, so to speak, or literally,
with sex-workers, migrants, artists and bohemians in a city's
narrow streets. The image presented for external perception
was, in one way, aimed at world-city status, with signature
architecture and the required international public art - such
as a red and yellow sculpture of book-matches by Claes Oldenburg
and Coosje van Bruggen - and a Museum of Contemporary Art (MACBA).
In another way, it remained authentic in its edges, celebrating
street life and local colour but, primarily, celebrating the
liberation of Catalan culture and political life after the end
of fascism. In all this the work of a mayor with considerable
local powers was central.
There are tensions between these constructed identities. At the same time,
the Catalan cultural infra-structure is well used, as are the
cleaned-up beaches, and Monica Degen observes, 'Barcelona's
cafŽ culture' is enjoyed as much by locals as by outsiders.'[xxvii]
Yet crime has risen in face of imported affluence, the waterfront
area of Maremagnum is avoided by locals now that it has been
colonised by fast-food outlets and lager louts while security
guards can be brutal to the economic migrants who also hang
out there, having nowhere else to go.
In the late 1990s a shift took place in the city's planning ethos, towards
a cleansing of some of what were regarded as the city's riougher
edges, under the guise of urban improvements. Indeed, some of
the new public spaces prior to the 1992 Olympics had involved
demolition, but the aim of letting light into the dark alleys
seemed now to be more a moral than an urban design question.
This phase of redevelopment was focused on the highly multi-cultural
district of El Raval, or bario chino, the old red light district
in the old city, with its twisting, narrow alleys and old-fashioned
bars - a particular focus also for cultural tourism, as it remains,
the frisson increased when hotel receptionists advise clients
not to go there. But it is now the city's designated cultural
quarter, on a familiar city marketing pattern, in the streets
south of MACBA. Several urban blocks were demolished to make
way for a new Ramblas connecting one narrow alley to another
with no demonstrable purpose beyond spectacle. On a sunny Sunday
morning in 2003 I walked between the heaps of rubble, seeing
local people still sitting out on the steps of the remaining
blocks, gazing at the demolition, while at the end of the void
a billboard displayed an impression of the new plaza under the
caption - in English (or American) not Catalan - Public Space.
I had already reached the conclusion that, as the artist group
Hewitt + Jordan have stated in a public work, 'The economic
function of public art is to increase the value of private property'[xxviii] but here I began
to question the link between public space and democracy. If
high culture affirms the status of an elite, re-enforcing social
divisions, perhaps the public spaces that characterise the new
urban, the spaces of a piazza-sitting, latte-drinking society,
similarly reinforce the image of the city as a zone of affluence
and, by extension, of exclusion.
It is not that I dislike the new spaces on aesthetic grounds, but that
I question the efficacy of aesthetic criteria in making cities
for the cultural diversity and multi-sensory life that is key
to Sandercock's mongrel urbanism. To repeat the quote with which
I began: the city enables the 'critical freedom to question
in thought, and challenge in practice, one's inherited cultural
ways ' .'[xxix]
Remembering that city air is supposed to make us free, I doubt
this will be the outcome of a new urbanism based on service
not to public interest or well-being but to the requirements
of market economics.
The most recent chapter in Barcelona's development is marked by a more
overt turn to a market-led agenda. While in the 1990s the public
sector undertook development, selling on redeveloped sites to
the private sector, in the second phase of waterfront renewal
around 2002, a key site was handed over at the outset to a north
American company to develop as a mall and gated, high-rise,
high-rent apartment compound. This is adjacent to the new Convention
hall, built for the 2004 Universal Forum of Cultures. There
are also 11 new hotels, and a wholesale demolition of residual
nineteenth-century working-class housing and industrial buildings.
The Forum sought to celebrate cultural diversity, but did so
on a site in which the diversity of local communities, artists
using redundant factories as studios, gypsies, and recent immigrants
was erased. Of course, as graffiti at various points in the
city shows, the repressed returns, if in marginalised ways.
Whose representations?
In Barcelona, the planners told me they welcomed new malls because they
provided the city's young people with somewhere to meet. And
there is evidence that in some cases specific groups do use
malls for their own purposes, with minimal or no consumption.[xxx]
It is also the case that one reason for the growth of visitors
to the new contemporary art museums which city after city has
opened is that they are regarded by tourists as safer than the
streets outside, and because they have clean toilets as well
as gift shops and a cafŽ.[xxxi] They seem rare islands of security
in Bauman's rough sea of the new world order. But, as I tried
to avoid setting Sandercock and Bauman in opposition in their
perceptions of the new urban, I want to avoid a dualism of conformity
to the image of a symbolic economy bred by fear, and the untamed
energy of graffiti, seen as a sign of an authentic if dangerous
underground city.[xxxii] I do need to ask, though what kind of representation
is appropriate in a city in which we are invited to be free.
The mythical image of a public sphere as a metaphorical site in which
citizens mix and together shape the values and organisation
of their society would seem to have no historical precedents.
It serves as a theoretical polarity, contrasted with the oppression
of colonial, monarchic rule, in north American democracy in
the eighteenth century, and in France in 1789, but has no material
demonstration outside rare moments of insurrection. Instead,
the public spaces that are generally taken to constitute a public
realm are the grandiose, rhetorical spaces in which statues
and monuments convey to subjects the values to which they are
required to aspire or conform. As a device of public control,
the restrictive public realm of the nineteenth-century bourgeois
is reproduced in twentieth-century public art (usually by internationally
known artists such as Antony Gormley). In some cases, the privileging
of white, male vales is reproduced, and even though the statues
are at street level they still carry the burden of, if not power,
then its late modern equivalent in celebrity. This is not to
say there are no cases in which, say, local cultures and local
memories inform a work which genuinely creates a public for
itself, nor that in some cases interventions by artists are
empowering for local participants in their projects, but these
remain a minority of examples. But, of course, it is simplistic
to say that there are empowering and disempowering projects,
when most of life is a grey area, and the possibility for a
democratic society is, according to Ernesto Laclau, a negotiated
position between freedom and unfreedom.[xxxiii]
Whose cultures?
To construct a model of argument beyond dualism, I begin from the models
of economic organisation seen as rival ideologies: the free-market
economy, and the state-regulated economy. Both are command economies,
the state or capital being in command, serving the interests
of public good or private capital. But if the state and capital
are points on an axis of tension in the terms of urban or economic
governance, then a third possibility is the idea of a local
economy. In many places, within the conventional money economy,
local economic trading systems have emerged using either a notional
unit of local currency or a form of skill and goods exchange
- if I fix your car, you will give me some bread you have baked
or mend my roof. In the German Democratic Republic prior to
1989, this non-money skill-exchange was commonplace, and its
demise is lamented[xxxiv]
From this, I conjecture that beside the (high) Culture of museums
and the cultural appropriations of symbolic economies there
is a zone of local cultures, as the everyday ways in which local
people live. If museums were developed in the nineteenth century
for public improvement in the ethos of liberal reformism, and
malls and contemporary art museums follow a market-led economy's
equivalent production of conformity, outside, in the residual
and interstitial spaces of a city, ordinary life goes on.
Yet in the new Barcelona it seems transitional, interstitial spaces are
erased when infill development of apartment buildings uses the
polished surfaces and absence of balconies that denote a northern
rather than a Mediterranean port city. Port cities are poor
and full of drunken sailors seeking the red light district.
Affluent cities are cleansed of such street encounters, in a
trajectory of exclusion (of the vagrant and insane, the dead,
the poor, the sick) and confinement in functionally specific
institutions (the asylum, the cemetery, the workhouse, the clinic).[xxxv] This urban ideal is projected,
too, in single-use zoning and the reductive imagery of symbolic
economies. It is resisted in the survival of local cultural
forms and modalities, and in the everyday occupation of space.
Local cultures tend to be marginalised, then, but do not need
artists to invent them - they already exist and have their own
means of development. But if I ask what might be a positive
relation between Culture and cultures, it may be that Culture
has a role in creating recognition of cultures and the usually
tacit knowledges they embody, alongside the professional knowledges
and aesthetic visions of professionals.
To concludes: first, there is a critical function
of culture in, for example, questioning the given meanings of
monuments and spaces as in Krzysztov Wodiczko's projection works
using public monuments. This might be a way to approach what
Bauman sees as the task of critical theory - 'to defend the
vanishing public realm, or rather to refurnish and repopulate
the public space fast emptying'[xxxvi] due to its desertion by both the engaged citizen
and what he calls real power, the latter having migrated to
a territory which can 'be described as Òouter spaceÓ'[xxxvii] (by which I think he means the decentred spaces
of global corporate restructuring as well as cyberspace). This
is an equivalent of the ritualised destruction of statues that
takes place at moments of a sudden shift of power such as the
Paris Commune of 1871, when the Vend™me Column was toppled.
This possibility includes, too, the emergent participatory and
collaborative practices of the 1900s, as in the London-based
artists' group PLATFORM's guided walks of the city's financial
and power landscapes. Of course, parallel to critical cultural
practices are critical social practices, some beginning in the
squats of the 1960s to 1980s, such as the free city of Christiania
in Copenhagen. And there is everyday refusal of the dominant
ideology, in anti-war protest, fly-posting, and in rare cases
refusal of taxation. Second, there is the possibility that an
aesthetic dimension offers, as Herbert Marcuse argued, a space
for critical distance when political change is not viable.[xxxviii]
Avant-garde art ruptures the codes, such as perception, of the
dominant society, and may spark a latent utopian imagination.
Or, it may lead to a visit to the gallery shop and opportunities
for conspicuous consumption. Yet, as Arnold Berleant argues,
installation art makes the observer a participant in a non-standard
world; from this, 'we find ourselves well on the way to a social
aesthetics, for it is but a short step in this sequence of arts
to a social environment.'[xxxix]
This may, however, be a view from rarefied position. Third,
there is recognition of everyday creativity and the potential
for liberation in the routines of the everyday. This brings
me, finally, to Henri Lefebvre's theory of moments of presence
in which a sudden clarity appears, for anyone. Rob Shields summarizes,
'Moments outflank the pretensions of wordy theories, rules and
laws, and challenge the limits of everyday living. 'A sudden
insight into a situation or an experience beyond the merely
empirical routine of some activity.'[xl]
The moment is transformatory and intersects public and private
spaces, re-frames public realms, may occur during acts of revolt
or privacy, and denotes a creative imagination that envisages
not only how things are but also how they might be. From the
imagination of what might be, accompanied by a critical awareness
of what is, opens a realization of the gap between the two.
[i] Sandercock,
L. (2006) 'Cosmopolitan Urbanism: a love song to our mongrel
cities', in Binnie, J., Holloway, J., Millington, S. and Young,
C., ed.s (2006) Cosmopolitan Urbanism,
London, Routledge, p. 49
[iii] the legend
over the gates of the cities of the Hanseatic League read
Stadt Luft macht frei - see Sennett, R. (1995) Flesh and
Stone, London, Faber and
Faber, p. 155; Soja, E. (2000) Postmetropolis Critical
Studies of Cities and Regions,
Oxford, Blackwell, p. 248; see also Sennett (1995) p. 256
on free circulation in Washington DC
[v] Woods, L. (1995)
'Everyday War', in Lang, P., ed. (1995) Mortal City, New York, Princeton Architectural Press, p. 50
[vi] see Davis,
M. (1998) Ecology of Fear: Los Angeles and the Imagination
of Disaster, New York, Random House
[vii] see Bauman,
Z. (1998) Globalisation: the Human Consequences, Cambridge, Polity
[viii] Bauman, Z.
(2000) Liquid Modernity,
Cambridge, Polity, p.83
[ix] Wirth, L. (1964)
On Cities and Social Life,
Chicago, University of Chicago Press [first published in 1948],
p. 329, cited in Smith, M. P. (1980) The City and
Social Theory, Oxford, Blackwell, p. 5
[x] Zukin, S. (1995)
The Cultures of Cities,
Oxford, Blackwell, p. 9
[xi] the others
are oil and natural gas, seafood, shipping, and film and music
- (2004) 'The City of Bergen', promotional leaflet, Bergen,
Commune of Bergen [not paginated]
[xiii] the others
were Avignon, Bologna, Brussels, Helsinki, Kracow, Prague,
Reykjavik and Santiago da Compostella
[xiv] Myrvoll, S.
(1999) 'Cultural Heritage Tourism in Norway, with the Focus
on Bergen', in Dodd, D. and van Hemel, A., ed.s (1999) Planning
Cultural Tourism in Europe: A Presentation of Theories and
Cases, Amsterdam, Boeckmann
Stichting, p. 44
[xv] interview with
William Hazall, Commune of Bergen, 29th November,
2004); see also Bergen (2001) Kulturby Bergen 2000, Norges
Europeiske Kulturbyþr: prosjektrapport programdokumentatasjon,
Bergen, Commune of Bergen
[xvi] Urry, J. (1995)
Consuming Places, London,
Routledge, p. 134 - citing Misham, E. (1969) the
Costs of economic Growth,
Harmondsworth, Penguin, p. 142
[xvii] Sassen, S.
(1991) The Global City: New York, London, Tokyo, Princeton (NJ), Princeton University Press
[xviii] Hall, T.
(2004) 'Public Art, Civic Identity and the New Birmingham',
in Kennedy, L., ed. (2004) Remaking Birmingham,
London, Routledge, p. 63, cited in Evans, G. (2005) 'Measure
for Measure: Evaluating the evidence of Culture's Contribution
to Regeneration', Urban Studies,
vol. 42, 5/6, p. 961
[xix] see, for example,
Bailey, C., Miles, S. and Stark, P. (2004) 'Culture-led Urban
Regeneration and the Revitalization of Identities in Newcastle,
Gateshead and the North East of England', International
Journal of Cultural Policy, vol. 10, 10, pp. 47-65; Loftman, P. and Nevin, B.
(2003) 'Prestige Projects, City-Centre Restructuring and Social
Exclusion: Taking the Long-Term View', in Miles, M. and Hall,
T., ed.s (2003) Urban Futures: critical essays on
shaping the city, London,
Routledge, pp. 76-91; Lim, H. (1993) 'Cultural Strategies
for Revitalizing the City: A Review and evaluation', Regional
Studies, vol. 27, 6, pp. 589-594
[xx] Los Angeles
Herald Examiner, 27 August,
1989, cited in Garcia, B. (2005) 'Deconstructing the city
of Culture: The Long-Term Cultural Legacies of Glasgow 1990',
Urban Studies, vol. 42, 5/6, p. 855
[xxi] Michael Donelly,
in Booth, P and Boyle, R. (1993) 'See Glasgow, See Culture',
in Bianchini, F. and Parkinson, M., ed.s (1993) Cultural
Policy and Urban Regeneration: The Western European Experience,
Manchester, Manchester university Press, p.21
[xxii] Degen, M.
(2004) 'Barcelona's Games: the Olympics, Urban Design, and
Global Tourism', in Sheller, M. and Urry, J., ed.s (2004)
Tourism Mobilities: Places to Play, Places in Play,
London, Routledge, p. 131
[xxiii]
designed by Carme Fiol Costa (1988-89); see Gozalez, A. and
Lacuesta, R. (2002) Barcelona Architecture Guide 1929-2002, Barcelona, Editorial Gili, p. 110
[xxiv]
see Miles, M. (2007) Cities and Cultures,
London, Routledge, pp. 87-88, 93-94
[xxv]
Cerdˆ, I. (1861) 'TŽoria de la viabilidad urbana y reforma
de la Madrid', unpublished report, paragraph. 691, cited in
Soria y Puig, A., ed. (1999) Cerdˆ: the Five Bases of the
General Theory of Urbanism, Madrid, Electa, p. 128
[xxvi]
see Dodd, D. (1990) 'Barcelona: the Making of a Cultural City',
in Dodd. D. and van Hemel, A., ed.s (1999) Planning Cultural
Tourism in Europe: A Presentation of Theories and Cases,
Amsterdam, Boeckmann Stichting, pp. 53-64
[xxviii] see Hewitt
+ Jordan (2004) I Fail to Agree,
Sheffield, Site Gallery - for this and related projects
[xxx] Miles, S.
(2003) 'Resistance or Security? Young People and the Appropriation
of Urban, Cultural and Consumer Space', in Miles, M. and Hall,
T., ed.s (2003) Urban Futures: critical essays on shaping
the city, London, Routledge, pp. 65-75
[xxxi] conversation
with Franco Bianchini, AHRC workshop on culture and agency,
Liverpool , 16-18 September, 2007
[xxxii] see Cresswell,
T. (1996) In Place, Out of Place: Geography, Ideology and
Transgression, Minneapolis
(MN), University of Minnesota Press, on graffiti as art; and
Sennett, R. (1990) the Conscience of the Eye,
New York, Norton, on graffiti as sign of an underclass in
New York
[xxxiii] Laclau,
E. (1996) Emancipation(s),
London, Verso, p. 19
[xxxiv] conversation
with Achim Ecker, ZEGG eco-village, July 2004
[xxxv] see Illich,
I. (1986) H20 and the Waters of Forgetfulness, London, Marion Boyars
[xxxvi]
Bauman, Z. (2000) Liquid Modernity,
Cambridge, Polity, p. 39
[xxxviii] Marcuse,
H. (1978) The Aesthetic Dimension,
Boston, Beacon Press
[xxxix] Berleant,
A. (2005) 'The Nature of everyday Aesthetics', in Light, A.
and Smith, J. M., ed.s (2005) The Aesthetics of Everyday
Life, New York, Columbia
University Press, p. 25
[xl] Shields, R.
(1999) Lefebvre, Love and Struggle,
London, Routledge, p. 58
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